{"id":5367,"date":"2012-01-18T14:50:31","date_gmt":"2012-01-18T13:50:31","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blog.zeit.de\/joerglau\/?p=5367"},"modified":"2012-01-18T23:13:14","modified_gmt":"2012-01-18T22:13:14","slug":"die-transformation-des-konservatismus-in-amerika-iran-und-agypten","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.zeit.de\/joerglau\/2012\/01\/18\/die-transformation-des-konservatismus-in-amerika-iran-und-agypten_5367","title":{"rendered":"Die Transformation des Konservatismus – in Amerika, Iran und \u00c4gypten"},"content":{"rendered":"

So viele gute Sachen gelesen in den letzten Tagen! Und so wenig Zeit, sie hier ausf\u00fchrlich zu w\u00fcrdigen.<\/p>\n

Darum in aller K\u00fcrze und vollkommen chaotisch durcheinander ein paar Lesefr\u00fcchte.<\/p>\n

Mark Lilla schreibt in der New York Review einen gro\u00dfen Rezensionsessay<\/a>, in dem er erkl\u00e4rt, wie der Konservatismus in Amerika apokalyptisch wurde (in einem Ma\u00df, wie es vorher eigentlich nur die Linke drauf hattte). Das scheint mir essentiell zum Verst\u00e4ndnis des Verr\u00fcckten, ja Durchgeknallten im \u00dcberbietungswettbewerb der republikanischen Bewerber um die Nominierung zu sein.<\/p>\n

Lilla hat selber Wurzeln im fr\u00fchen Neokonservatismus der Reagan-Jahre, hat sich aber im letzten Jahrzehnt zunehmend kritisch zu den Neocons verhalten, die Bush Jr. st\u00fctzten. Auch hier war f\u00fcr Lilla zu beobachten, wie die Rechte (mit ihrem Interventionismus, gest\u00fctzt auf das Gef\u00fchl, die Welt neu machen zu k\u00f6nnen, zur Not mit Waffengewalt) die Fehler der radikalen Linken wiederholt:<\/p>\n

The real news on the American right is the mainstreaming of political apocalypticism. This has been brewing among intellectuals since the Nineties, but in the past four years, thanks to the right-wing media establishment and economic collapse, it has reached a wider public and transformed the Republican Party. How that happened would be a long story to tell, and central to it would be the remarkable transmutation of neoconservatism from intellectual movement to rabble-rousing Republican court ideology. The first neoconservatives were disappointed liberals like Irving Kristol and Nathan Glazer, who saw the failures of a large number of Great Society programs to deliver on the unrealistic expectations of its architects, and consequently began to appreciate the wisdom of certain conservative assumptions about human nature and politics. Kristol\u2019s famous quip that neoconservatives were liberals who\u2019d been mugged by reality captured the original temperament.<\/p>\n

Sometime in the Eighties, though, neoconservative thinking took on a darker hue. The big question was no longer how to adapt liberal aspirations to the limits of politics, but how to undo the cultural revolution of the Sixties that, in their eyes, had destabilized the family, popularized drug use, made pornography widely available, and encouraged public incivility.<\/p>\n

(…)<\/p>\n

This is the voice of high-brow reaction, and it was present on the right a good decade before Glenn Beck and his fellow prophets of populist doom began ringing alarm bells about educated elites in media, government, and the universities leading a velvet socialist revolution that only \u201cordinary Americans\u201d could forestall. Apocalypticism trickled down, not up, and is now what binds Republican Party elites to their hard-core base. They all agree that the country must be \u201ctaken back\u201d from the usurpers by any means necessary, and are willing to support any candidate, no matter how unworldly or unqualified or fanatical, who shares their picture of the crisis of our time. (…) <\/em><\/p>\n

All this is new\u2014and it has little to do with the principles of conservatism, or with the aristocratic prejudice that \u201csome are fit, and thus ought, to rule others,\u201d which Corey Robin sees at the root of everything on the right. No, there is something darker and dystopic at work here. People who know what kind of new world they want to create through revolution are trouble enough; those who only know what they want to destroy are a curse. When I read the new reactionaries or hear them speak I\u2019m reminded of Leo Naphta, the consumptive furloughed Jesuit in Thomas Mann\u2019s The Magic Mountain<\/em>, who prowls the corridors of a Swiss sanatorium, raging against the modern Enlightenment and looking for disciples. What infuriates Naphta is that history cannot be reversed, so he dreams of revenge against it. He speaks of a coming apocalypse, a period of cruelty and cleansing, after which man\u2019s original ignorance will return and new forms of authority will be established. Mann did not model Naphta on Edmund Burke or Chateaubriand or Bismarck or any other figure on the traditional European right. He modeled him on George Luk\u00e1cs, the Hungarian Communist philosopher and onetime commissar who loathed liberals and conservatives alike. A man for our time.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Ein exzellenter Aufsatz<\/a> des Iran-Experten der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Walter Posch, analysiert den machtvollen Block der iranischen Rechten, die sich selbst „Prinzipalisten“ nennen, ein Zusammenschluss von „Konservativen“ und „Hezbollahis“, der urspr\u00fcnlich auch Achmadinedschad unterst\u00fctzt hatte.<\/p>\n

Wie es zum Zerw\u00fcrfnis zwischen Prinzipalisten und dem Regierungschef kam, und was das alles f\u00fcr die anstehenden Parlaments- und Pr\u00e4sidentschaftswahlen bedeutet, beschreibt Posch ausf\u00fchrlich.<\/p>\n

Er ist der Ansicht, dass die „Gr\u00fcne Bewegung“ erfolgreich neutralisiert wurde und weiterhin allenfalls im Exil Chancen hat, als Herausforderung weiterzubestehen. Es scheint zu gelingen, so Posch, dass die innersystemischen Reformkr\u00e4fte von der Gr\u00fcnen Bewegung geschieden bleiben und in geschw\u00e4chter Form ins System reintegriert werden. Eine \u00dcbertragung der Impulse des arabischen Fr\u00fchlings auf den Iran h\u00e4lt er f\u00fcr unwahrscheinlich. Was die nun anstehenden harschen Sanktionen gegen den Iran f\u00fcr die von Posch beschriebene Balance des Machtsystems bedeuten, ist eine interessante Frage, \u00fcber die wir bald mehr wissen werden.<\/p>\n

Schlie\u00dflich:<\/p>\n

Sebnem Gumuscu erkl\u00e4rt im libanesischen Daily Star<\/a>, warum es kein „t\u00fcrkisches Modell“ f\u00fcr \u00c4gypten gibt. Von wohlwollenden Beobachtern aus dem Ausland wie aus den eher reformbereiten Reihen der \u00e4gyptischen Islamisten ist diese Vorstellung immer wieder verbreitet worden.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In some policy quarters, Turkey has even been presented as an overall model for the Arab world \u2013 a characterization which derives largely from its seemingly unique ability to couple secular democracy with a predominantly Muslim society. But those who talk of \u201cthe Turkish model\u201d misunderstand that country\u2019s transformation. The coexistence between Islam and democracy has come to pass in Turkey not from the AKP\u2019s development of institutional and political structures that accommodated both Islamic and democratic principles, but rather because Islamists themselves came to accept the secular-democratic framework of the Turkish state. (…) Economic liberalization created an organized class of powerful and devout businessmen from the provincial bourgeoisie who advocated greater political pragmatism and stability in addition to closer relations with the European Union as a major trading partner. These moderate Islamists broke away and established the AKP in 2001. As a conservative party representing neoliberal interests, the AKP has worked to downsize the state, establish greater political and economic stability, and construct friendly relations with the outside world. The party has not only increased its support in secular businesses and the middle classes, but also rendered the idea of a powerful state \u2013 which commands the economy as well as the lives of Muslims through Islamic principles \u2013 an obsolete one.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

In \u00c4gypten nun gebe es keine solche f\u00fchrende neue Schicht von islamis(tis)chen Gesch\u00e4ftsleuten. Die Verbindung von Neoliberalismus und Islam, f\u00fcr die die AKP steht, ist in \u00c4gypten nicht m\u00f6glich, weil ihr schlicht das Publikum fehlt:<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Conversely, Egypt\u2019s neoliberalism mainly benefitted President Hosni Mubarak\u2019s cronies and failed to trickle down to smaller enterprises. There is no strong business constituency within the Egyptian Islamist movement to insist on neoliberal reforms, a smaller state, or political pragmatism. The movement is dominated instead by professionals (doctors, engineers, teachers and lawyers) who prefer a strong and expansive state as a source of employment, social security and public goods.<\/p>\n

While the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) established by the Muslim Brotherhood supports private enterprise, such support should not be mistaken for support for neoliberalism. A closer look at FJP\u2019s platform reveals that it reserves a substantial role for the state in production, planning, price regulation, social security and job generation. (…)<\/p>\n

Unlike its Turkish counterpart, the Muslim Brotherhood is first and foremost a religious society; economic, political and cultural objectives are secondary to religious proselytism. The FJP relies on the existing rank and file of the Brotherhood for support in elections, and though the members of the Brotherhood fulfill the function of party organizers, they are recruited primarily in the name of Daawa, or the invitation to Islam. From there, they are organized according to a strict hierarchy and mobilized in the name of Islam rather than in terms of political or economic interests.<\/p>\n

This structure of the party reinforces religious priorities, undermines internal accountability, and casts a shadow of Muslim Brotherhood control over the FJP. (…)<\/p>\n

In short, there is no \u201cTurkish model\u201d for an Islamist democracy; rather, there are Muslims in a secular-democratic state working within a neoliberal framework. Structural and institutional factors in Turkey are historically unique and it is highly unlikely that we will see a similar process unfold in Egypt. Under Islamist leadership, Egypt will seek another framework \u2013 one that will require the Islamist movement to separate its political and religious functions and allow for the political party to represent the aggregated interests of a voting demographic.<\/p>\n

Because of this, the task of Islamists in Egypt will be more difficult than that of their Turkish counterparts. They must shed deeply ingrained habits of hierarchy and proselytism to build a democratic system with unique institutions.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Merkw\u00fcrdig, erst dachte ich, diese Lesefr\u00fcchte h\u00e4tten nichts miteinander zu tun. Nun, da ich sie aufgeschrieben habe, stelle ich fest, dass es in allen drei F\u00e4llen um die politische Transformation des Konservatismus geht – in Amerika, im Iran und in \u00c4gypten (sowie in der T\u00fcrkei).<\/p>\n

Vielleicht sollte man daraus ein kontinuierliches Thema machen?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

So viele gute Sachen gelesen in den letzten Tagen! Und so wenig Zeit, sie hier ausf\u00fchrlich zu w\u00fcrdigen. Darum in aller K\u00fcrze und vollkommen chaotisch durcheinander ein paar Lesefr\u00fcchte. Mark Lilla schreibt in der New York Review einen gro\u00dfen Rezensionsessay, in dem er erkl\u00e4rt, wie der Konservatismus in Amerika apokalyptisch wurde (in einem Ma\u00df, wie […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":54,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9460,157,166,171,117,125],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5367","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-agypten","category-die-freunde-und-die-feinde-des-islams","category-iran","category-neocons","category-turkei","category-usa"],"yoast_head":"\nDie Transformation des Konservatismus - in Amerika, Iran und \u00c4gypten - J\u00f6rg Lau<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/blog.zeit.de\/joerglau\/2012\/01\/18\/die-transformation-des-konservatismus-in-amerika-iran-und-agypten_5367\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"de_DE\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Die Transformation des Konservatismus - in Amerika, Iran und \u00c4gypten - J\u00f6rg Lau\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"So viele gute Sachen gelesen in den letzten Tagen! 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